Black Femicide: State by State Disparities

Black Femicide: State-by-State Disparities

Black Femicide, Femicide, Research and Data By Mar 24, 2026

The national femicide rate masks extreme variation between states. In Wisconsin, Black women died by femicide at 20 times the rate of white women in 2019–2020. In 10 states, that disparity grew worse over two decades. Geography is not incidental. It reflects concentrated structural racism.

Table of Contents

Introduction

The national average tells only part of the story. Black women faced higher femicide rates than white women in every one of the 30 states analyzed. However, the degree of disparity varied dramatically. Some states recorded a 2-to-1 ratio. Others exceeded 20-to-1. That variation is not random. It tracks directly with measures of concentrated disadvantage, racial economic inequality, and structural racism.

Furthermore, the trend lines reveal an equally disturbing pattern. In 10 states, the disparity grew larger over the 20 years of the study. In only six states did it shrink. Consequently, two decades of declared public health effort produced measurable improvement for less than a quarter of analyzed states.

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Columbia/Lancet Study · 30 States · 1999–2020
Key Statistics at a Glance
20:1
Highest state disparity — Black vs. white women in Wisconsin, 2019–2020
Highest of any state in any time period
10
States where the racial disparity grew worse over the 20-year study period
Including WI, AR, KS, IL, KY, MN, NY, SC
6
States where the disparity decreased — led by Maryland
MD: 4:1 in 1999–2003 → 2:1 in 2019–2020
30
States where Black women faced higher femicide rates than white women
No state showed parity · 1999–2020
Source: Waller, B. Y., Joseph, V. A., & Keyes, K. M. (2024). The Lancet, 403(10430), 935–945. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(23)02279-1

Wisconsin: The Highest Rate of Black Femicide in the USA

Wisconsin records the largest racial disparity in femicide of any state studied. Black women in Wisconsin were 20 times more likely to die by femicide than white women in 2019–2020. That figure represents a dramatic escalation. In 1999–2003, the ratio stood at 6-to-1. Therefore, Wisconsin’s disparity more than tripled over two decades.

Furthermore, Wisconsin ranked 49th out of 50 states for racial economic equality in 2023. Researchers identify this correlation as central. Concentrated disadvantage drives femicide risk. Wisconsin demonstrates that relationship at its most extreme.

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State Spotlight · Highest Disparity in the Nation
Wisconsin: A 20-to-1 Crisis
6:1
Disparity in 1999–2003
Black women were already six times more likely to die by femicide than white women in Wisconsin at the start of the study period.
20:1
Disparity in 2019–2020
By 2019–2020, that ratio had more than tripled. Wisconsin recorded the highest disparity of any state in any time period across the entire study.
49th
Racial equality ranking, 2023
Wisconsin ranked 49th out of 50 states for racial economic equality. Researchers directly link this structural inequality to the femicide disparity.
Sources: Waller, B. Y., Joseph, V. A., & Keyes, K. M. (2024). The Lancet, 403(10430), 935–945 · WalletHub State Racial Equality Rankings (2023) · Wisconsin Watch (2024)

State-By-State: Black Femicide in the USA at a Glance

The Columbia/Lancet study examined 30 states with sufficient data for analysis. Every state showed Black women at higher risk than white women. However, the chart below reveals the full range of disparity. High-disparity states cluster in the Midwest and South. Researchers identify these regions as areas of concentrated disadvantage with high proportions of people experiencing low socioeconomic status.

Moreover, four states–Wisconsin, Missouri, Arizona, and Oklahoma–recorded more than 15 additional Black women dead per 100,000 compared to white women in 2019–2020. The statistical reality demonstrates a specific and measurable failure of structural protection.

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Columbia/Lancet Study · 30 States · 2019–2020 Period
Racial Disparity in Femicide Rate by State

Ratio of Black to white femicide rate per 100,000 · Ages 25–44 · Most recent study period (2019–2020)

Extreme disparity (≥15:1)
High disparity (10–14:1)
Elevated disparity (7–9:1)
Moderate disparity (<7:1)

Source: Waller, B. Y., Joseph, V. A., & Keyes, K. M. (2024). The Lancet, 403(10430). Figure 1 state-level data

Chart note: Ratios represent the Black femicide rate divided by the white femicide rate in the 2019–2020 study period. Higher values indicate greater racial disparity. States not included lacked sufficient data for analysis.  ·  Source: Waller et al. (2024), The Lancet.

States Getting Worse vs. Better

Across 20 years of data, the trend lines reveal two Americas. In 10 states, racial disparities in femicide grew larger. In six states, they shrank. Eight states showed no significant change. The states that improved share a common thread. Each enacted targeted legislation or expanded domestic violence services for Black communities. The states that worsened share a different common denominators: concentrated poverty, weakened social infrastructure, and limited political will to address racial inequity.

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Disparity Trends, 1999–2020

States where the Black-to-white femicide disparity changed significantly over the study period

Disparity worsened ↑ (10 states)
Wisconsin
6:1 → 20:1 — the most dramatic increase of any state
Minnesota
Disparity increased significantly over the study period
Illinois
Includes Chicago, where 2024 saw 511 homicides; young Black women among victims
Arkansas
Disparity increased; state ranks among highest for racial economic inequality
Kansas
Disparity grew alongside declining Black community investment
Kentucky
Disparity increased in tandem with rising intimate partner firearm violence
New York
Statewide disparity increased despite urban policy improvements
South Carolina
Disparity rose alongside persistent structural disadvantage measures
Disparity improved ↓ (6 states)
Maryland
4:1 → 2:1 — largest improvement of any state; led by targeted DV investment
Virginia
Disparity decreased over the study period; coercive control law enacted
Nevada
Disparity reduced; expanded shelter funding credited by advocates
Indiana
Modest improvement recorded in 2019–2020 period
Georgia
Disparity declined despite high absolute rate remaining
Alaska
3:1 in 1999–2003 → 2:1 in 2019–2020; community-based programs cited

Source: Waller, B. Y., Joseph, V. A., & Keyes, K. M. (2024). The Lancet, 403(10430), 935–945 · Minnesota Spokesman-Recorder (2024)

“The greatest inequities are in areas of the country where concentrated disadvantage is pronounced. These trends reflect systems that have long disserviced communities of colour, and underscore that sustained investment and vision to support underserved communities are critical to reverse racial injustices.”

— Dr. Katherine Keyes, PhD, Senior Author. Colombia University Mailman School of Public Health, The Lancet (2024)

Structural Racism Drives State Disparities

State-level disparity does not arise from individual behavior. Researchers identify structural racism as the primary driver. Three specific structural factors predict femicide disparity across states. Each measures a different dimension of the same underlying system of concentrated disadvantage.

Furthermore, the Columbia/Lancet study documents a direct correlation. States with the most pronounced structural inequalities record the highest Black-to-white femicide ratios. Consequently, policy interventions that target structural conditions–not individual behavior–carry the strongest evidence for reducing disparity.

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Structural Drivers · Columbia/Lancet Study (2024)
Three Structural Predictors of Disparity
Predictor 1
Concentrated economic disadvantage
States with higher proportions of residents experiencing poverty, unemployment, and low home ownership rates record higher Black femicide disparities. Economic precarity traps survivors and limits their capacity to leave abusive situations.
Predictor 2
Historical legacies of racial violence
Researchers document a correlation between areas with historical legacies of slavery and lynching and current femicide disparities. These legacies persist through institutional structures, community disinvestment, and normalized patterns of racial inequality.
Predictor 3
Underserved community infrastructure
States with fewer domestic violence shelters, less funded mental health services, and weaker community support networks for Black women record persistently higher disparities. Infrastructure gaps compound every other risk factor.

Source: Waller, B. Y., Joseph, V. A., & Keyes, K. M. (2024). The Lancet, 403(10430), 935–945 · Bailey, Z. D. et al. (2017). Structural racism and health inequities in the USA. The Lancet, 389(10077), 1453–1463

What State-Level Data Reveals

The state-by-state data carries a precise implication. Femicide prevention requires state-level action. National averages obscure the specific geographies of failure. Maryland’s improvement demonstrates that targeted investment produces results. Wisconsin’s deterioration demonstrates what happens without it.

Therefore, state legislators hold direct power over outcomes. Coercive control legislation, domestic violence shelter funding, firearm relinquishment enforcement, and culturally competent advocacy programs all operate at the state level. Furthermore, the states where disparity grew–Arkansas, Kansas, Illinois, Kentucky, Minnesota, Wisconsin, New York, South Carolina–represent the highest-priority targets for immediate intervention. The data identifies them precisely. The question is whether political will follows.

Data Methodology Notes

  1. Data covers 30 states only: The Columbia/Lancet study includes only 30 states with sufficient data for analysis. States with small Black female populations produced insufficient homicide counts for reliable rate calculation. Therefore, findings do not represent all 50 states.
  2. Age Range: Rates apply to ages 25–44 only. All state-level data covers women aged 25–44 — the peak vulnerability window identified by researchers. Rates for younger and older women may differ and are not represented here.
  3. Aggregated Time Period: State data uses five-year period averages. State-level rates aggregate across five-year periods to ensure statistical reliability. Individual annual state rates are not reported. The most recent period is 2019–2020 — the final years of the study dataset.
  4. Post-2020 Data: State-level data post-2020 not yet available in this format. The Columbia/Lancet study covers 1999–2020. No comparable state-level analysis using this methodology has been published for 2021–2025 at time of publication. National trend data for 2021–2023 appears in the article National Femicide Rates in the United States.

A note on undercounting: State-level femicide data systematically undercounts true totals. Cases classified as accidents, undetermined deaths, or misclassified causes of death are excluded. The true disparity in every state is almost certainly larger than these figures reflect.

Further Reading

References

Author

Manya Wakefield is a narcissistic abuse recovery coach, coercive trauma specialist, and the developer of the Coercive Trauma Recovery Method™ and TENEL™ (Traumatic Exposure to Narcissism in Early Life) — proprietary recovery frameworks built from seven years of direct professional work with survivors of coercive control, narcissistic abuse, and Adult Children of Narcissists. Both frameworks have been reviewed by Dr. Michael Kinsey, PhD, clinical psychologist, New School for Social Research. She is the founder of Narcissistic Abuse Rehab, a global social impact platform launched in 2019 to support survivors through evidence-based recovery frameworks. Manya is the author of Are You In An Emotionally Abusive Relationship (2019), a resource used in domestic violence recovery groups worldwide. Her original research contributions include the Global Coercive Control Legislation Index (2020) — the first systematic index of its kind on the web — and the Global Femicide Legislation Index (2026), comprehensive legal references used by advocates, legal professionals, and policymakers internationally, cited in peer-reviewed publications including the Southern Illinois University Law Journal, Palgrave Macmillan, and the University of Agder. Her expertise has been featured in Newsweek, Elle, Cosmopolitan, HuffPost, Parade, and YourTango. She hosts the Narcissistic Abuse Rehab Podcast, available on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and Amazon Music. All content on this site reflects Manya's direct professional experience working with survivors of narcissistic abuse and coercive control, her published research, and her ongoing advocacy work.